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Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation
The Beijing Students’ Autonomous Federation was a self-governing student organization, representing multiple Beijing universities, and acting as the student protesters’ principle decision-making body during the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.〔Craig J. Calhoun, ''Neither Gods Nor Emperors: Students and the Struggle for Democracy in China'' (University of California Press, 1994), 46.〕〔Sarah Sanderson King and Donald P. Cushman, ''Political Communication: Engineering Visions of Order in the Socialist World'' (SUNY Press, 1992), 120.〕〔Corinna-Barbara Francis, “The Progress of Protest in China: The Spring of 1989,” Asian Survey 29, no. 9 (September 1, 1989): 904, doi:10.2307/2644834.〕 Student protesters founded the Federation in opposition to the official, government-supported student organizations, which they believed were undemocratic.〔〔Calhoun, ''Neither Gods Nor Emperors'', 41.〕〔Peter Li, Marjorie H. Li, and Steven Mark, ''Culture and Politics in China: An Anatomy of Tiananmen Square'' (Transaction Publishers, 2009), 157.〕 Although the Federation made several demands of the government during the protests〔King and Cushman, ''Political Communication'', 121.〕〔Francis, “The Progress of Protest in China,” 911.〕 and organized multiple demonstrations in the Square,〔Tony Saich, “The Rise and Fall of the Beijing People’s Movement,” The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, no. 24 (July 1, 1990): 190, doi:10.2307/2158894.〕〔Teresa Wright, “State Repression and Student Protest in Contemporary China,” The China Quarterly 157 (1999): 155, doi:10.1017/S0305741000040236.〕 its primary focus was to obtain government recognition as a legitimate organization.〔〔Francis, “The Progress of Protest in China,” 907.〕 By seeking this recognition, the Federation directly challenged the Chinese Communist Party’s authority.〔 After failing to achieve direct dialogue with the government, the Federation lost support from student protesters, and its central leadership role within the Tiananmen Square protests.〔〔Saich, “The Rise and Fall of the Beijing People’s Movement,” 198.〕
== Origin ==
After former General Secretary Hu Yaobang’s death on April 15, students mobilized spontaneously〔Calhoun, ''Neither Gods Nor Emperors'', 67.〕 both to mourn Hu’s passing and to demand democratic reform in China.〔King and Cushman, ''Political Communication'', 117.〕 On April 19, at Peking University (Beida), a meeting was anonymously organized to discuss the ongoing protests in the Square, as well as the prospect of forming an autonomous student organization.〔Wright, “State Repression and Student Protest in Contemporary China,” 150.〕 The meeting, in essence, was a “democracy salon”—an unofficial student discussion group that students at Beida had founded by the former Beida physic graduated student Liu Gang months before Hu Yaobang’s death.〔Li, Li, and Mark, ''Culture and Politics in China'', 155.〕 The salon decided that an autonomous organization was necessary to coordinate student protesters on multiple Beijing campuses.〔 However, for fear of punishment by the government, few at the meeting were willing to speak out.〔 Those who did, including history student Wang Dan, became the leaders of the newly formed Beijing Students’ Autonomous Federation.〔Li, Li, and Mark, ''Culture and Politics in China'', 159.〕〔Calhoun, ''Neither Gods Nor Emperors'', 39.〕
Another aim of the new Federation was the rejection of the official student organizations.〔 According to one student announcement, “the leadership of the original union is inept, has sold out the students’ interests…and is completely unable to represent the students’ wishes.”〔 In this way, the student protesters saw the Federation as representing the wishes of the entire student body.〔 The Federation planned to seek legitimacy by strict observance of democratic policies such as elections and group decision-making.〔Calhoun, ''Neither Gods Nor Emperors'', 53.〕 The students hoped these methods would ensure the organization’s unity of leadership,〔Francis, “The Progress of Protest in China,” 908.〕 and would effectively contrast with the lack of transparency they perceived in the Communist Party.〔 On May 23, the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation established officially at Liu Gang's residence near Yuanmingyuan, during the first meeting, the students had elected Zhou Yongjun as the first chairman of the Beijing Students' Autonomous Federation.〔Eddie Cheng, ''Standoff at Tiananmen'' (Sensys Corporation, 2009), 88-99.〕
On April 26, ''People’s Daily'' published the editorial “It is Necessary to Take a Clear-Cut Stand Against Turmoil”,〔Wright, “State Repression and Student Protest in Contemporary China,” 154.〕 attributing the protests to “a small minority” attempting to “poison people’s minds” and “create national turmoil.”〔Francis, “The Progress of Protest in China,” 909.〕〔Li, Li, and Mark, ''Culture and Politics in China'', 158.〕 On the same day, the Beijing Students’ Autonomous Federation was officially established.〔 At their meeting, around 2,000 students elected a seven-person committee to lead the Federation.〔 Concerned by the April 26 editorial, the Federation decided that, as an illegal organization, it needed to reinforce its legitimacy by showing its popular support.〔 To achieve this goal, the Federation organized a demonstration to take place on April 27.〔
抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』
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